Henry VII and Catherine of Aragon; “The King and the Pauper Princess”

By Karlie (@ HistoryGal_)

“Though they cannot now see the gentle face of their beloved daughter they may be sure that she has found a second father who will ever watch over her happiness, and never permit her to want anything he can procure her…” [1] — King Henry VII of England, to King Ferdinand II of Aragon and Queen Isabella I of Castile, 28 November 1501.

I

It had been a harrowing few months for the more than one hundred and fifty passengers aboard the Spanish fleet headed to England. Seized by a series of violent storms that nearly capsized them, the weary group of travelers remained in Laredo, Spain for almost a month until the King of England sent one of his best naval captains to guide them across the Bay of Biscay.

On 2 October 1501 the fleet arrived in Plymouth: a picturesque waterfront city on the south coast of Devon. The leading nobleman of the city greeted the Spanish party enthusiastically before they escorted them to the church of St Andrews where they gave thanks for their safe arrival.

Throughout Devon, the townspeople clamored to welcome their distinguished foreign guests. But there was one girl amongst the travelers who courted particular attention. Her name was Catherine of Aragon.

Catherine was the youngest daughter of the two most powerful sovereigns in Europe: Ferdinand of Aragon and Isabella of Castile. Growing up, Catherine spent a lot of time with her parents during their military crusades. She was even present when Ferdinand and Isabella’s army defeated the Moors in the Granada War.

Catherine learned from her parents how to effectively lead an army into battle; a skill that would come in handy when she led the English in victory against the Scots in 1513.

Thanks to her formidable mother, Catherine and her sisters received a broad education almost equal to that of their brothers. By the time she was fifteen years old, Catherine was fluent in several languages including French and Latin; she was also well versed in matters of religion, philosophy, history, and law.

It was essential for all high-born ladies of the 15th and 16th century to be proficient in domestic pastimes such as needlework, sewing, and cooking. Catherine excelled at them all as well as the more refined purists like dancing, music, and singing.

As a Princess of Spain, these skills were taught to Catherine to prepare her for the important duties of queenship. This was a role in which Catherine had been groomed for since she was three years old. It was at this young age in which she became betrothed to Arthur, Prince of Wales.

The details of their betrothal had been outlined in the 1498 Treaty of Medina del Campo: a formal agreement that united the Kingdoms of England and Spain. As the parents of the bride, it was Ferdinand and Isabella’s responsibility to arrange a dowry for Catherine.

They agreed to settle on a dowry of 200,000 crowns; the first half of which (100,000 crowns) was to be paid to Arthur’s father: Henry VII, upon Catherine’s arrival and the second half was to be paid at a later date.

The fact that Catherine and Arthur barely knew each other was not a concern for their parents nor was it a requirement in arranged royal marriages. Thus when Catherine came to England in 1501 her fiancé was practically a stranger to her.

Before their marriage, the only source of contact either of them had with each other was through letters.

The only surviving letter from their correspondence is one written by Arthur in October 1499. The letter (written in Latin) began with Arthur addressing Catherine as the: “Most illustrious and most excellent lady, my dearest spouse….” He went on to write: I cannot tell you what an earnest desire I feel to see your highness, and how vexatious to me is this procrastination about your coming. I owe eternal thanks to your excellence that you so lovingly correspond to this my so ardent love.” It ended with Arthur wishing for Catherine to be “ever fortunate and happy, and be kept safe and joyful...” [2].

Catherine was anxious to meet the love struck Prince and more anxious to fulfill her role as the Princess of Wales and the future Queen Consort of England…

But just as Catherine was set to depart from Granada to England to marry Arthur, her trip was deliberately postponed for a year.

One of the reasons for Catherine’s delayed departure was because her parents (particularly Isabella) wanted to spend more time with her before she left home forever.

Ferdinand and Isabella were also concerned about the validity of their daughter’s marriage to a Prince who was barely fourteen years old. They addressed their misgivings to King Henry and informed him that they would send Catherine to marry his son only when the latter took his vows as an adult.

Eager to gain an ally with Spain, Henry complied with the Spanish Monarch’s request. Not long after Arthur took his vows, he and Catherine were married by proxy (for a second time) on 22 November 1500.

II

Shortly after Catherine’s arrival in England, she was “… lodged at the mayor’s house in Notte-street…Here she is said to have rested for a fortnight and was then escorted by way of Tavistock, Okehampton, and Crediton, to Exeter, on her way to London, where she was received with great honour and respect….At Exeter, her residence was at the house of the Dean. She rested [there for] several days, then by short journeys [Catherine traveled] to London.” [3].

King Henry was so anxious to see the future Princess of Wales that he traveled from Richmond with Prince Arthur to Hampstead just to meet her. When they arrived at Dogmersfield House, Henry was informed by Pedro de Ayla that Ferdinand and Isabella had requested that neither he nor his son were to see Catherine until the day of the wedding.

The Spanish diplomat’s words were not well received by the King who demanded that Catherine be presented to him at once. He even remarked that he would see her “even if she were in her bed!” [4].

With the help of her ladies, Catherine was made presentable to see the man who would soon become her father in law.

After a quick introduction, Catherine slowly lifted the veil that was concealing her face. The King was relieved to find that his future daughter in law was just as beautiful as the Spanish and English diplomats had reported to him: her fair complexion, blue eyes, and long reddish-blonde hair was the embodiment of English beauty. However, Catherine could barely speak English, and she and the King had to conduct the rest of their meeting entirely in Latin. This did not bother Henry who was impressed by Catherine’s impeccable display of grace and poise.

Henry later wrote to Ferdinand and Isabella that everyone had “much admired [Catherine’s] beauty, as well as her agreeable and dignified manners” [5]. Arthur also wrote to Catherine’s parents, to tell them that he had “‘never felt so much joy’ in his entire life as when he ‘held the sweet face of his bride’ and that ‘no woman in the world could be more agreeable to him.’” [6].

What mattered most to King Henry was not only that Catherine was beautiful and had polite manners but that her dowry filled his coffers and that her marriage to Arthur strengthened the Tudors claim to the throne.

As a descendent of King Edward III’s third son John of Gaunt and his two legitimate daughters, Catherine had a stronger claim to the English throne than the Tudors did.

Henry VII’s ancestral claim to the throne came mainly through that of his mother: Margaret Beaufort. Margaret was the great-granddaughter of John of Gaunt and his mistress Katherine Swynford. John and Katherine were later married, but their offspring were excluded from the line of succession. Henry VII’s father, Edmund Tudor, was the son of a Welsh courtier who married the widow of King Henry V: Catherine of Valois.

In any case, it was a battle, not imperial heredity that empowered the Tudors to take over the throne of England.

The Tudors reign began in 1485 when Henry VII defeated Richard III (the last Plantagenet King of England) at the Battle of Bosworth Field. Not long into his reign, King Henry was confronted by several Yorkist’s rebellions. Most notably was the 1487 Battle of Stoke Field which resulted in a decisive victory for the Tudor’s.

King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella were initially hesitant to have their daughter marry a Prince whose father may not hold on to his position as King for long.

Before they agreed to sanction the match, Ferdinand and Isabella pressured King Henry to execute one of the claimants to the throne: Edward Plantagenet, Earl of Warwick. After wasting away in the Tower of London for fourteen years, Edward was beheaded on Tower Hill on 28 November 1499.

Sadly, Edward’s blood would not be the last spilt on Catherine of Aragon’s behalf…

III

On 12 November 1501, Catherine was escorted from Lambeth Palace into the heart of London, by some of the primer nobleman in England. During the royal parties’ procession from London to Cheapside, they stopped to watch six speculator pageants thrown in the Princess’s honor. Catherine was then taken to the Archbishop of Canterbury’s residence where she would remain for the rest of the evening.

The next day Catherine went to Baynard’s Castle and formally presented to her future mother in law Queen Elizabeth of York. More celebrations followed before Catherine went back to Lambeth Palace to prepare for her wedding day.

On 14th November Catherine and Arthur were married in a lavish ceremony at St Paul’s Cathedral. The stone pillars of the Cathedral were draped with expensive and ornate tapestries, a “platform raised six feet high and draped in red fabric” [7] had been erected on which Catherine and Arthur took their vows, and “a special gallery [was in place] where the King, Henry VII and his Queen, Elizabeth [watched the wedding]” [8].

Trumpets blared, wine flowed through fountains, and the people cheered the Prince and Princess of Wales as they made their way from the Cathedral to Baynard’s Castle for the wedding celebrations.

Midway through the extravagant festivities, the young bride and groom were ushered into a bedchamber to consummate their marriage. After a number of ceremonial tasks were performed – which included the blessing of the marriage bed by the bishops– Catherine and Arthur were left alone….

“Willoughby!” Arthur announced to his steward the following morning. “Bring me a cup of ale, for I have been in the midst of Spain” [9].

It was those very words that would come back to haunt Catherine twenty eight years later, when her honor was questioned as well as her right to be Queen of England. Catherine would swear on her knees at the Legatine Court at Blackfriars, that “I take God to my judge, I was a true maid, without touch of man” [10]. As a devout Catholic, Catherine risked eternal damnation of her soul if she were to lie before God about the validity of her virginity prior to marrying her second husband.

But during Catherine and Arthur’s short lived marriage, the general censuses at the English court was that the couple had consummated their marriage. A contemporary scribe reported: “And thus these worthy persons concluded and consummated the effect and complement of the sacrament of marriage” [11]. However, soon after Arthur’s death Catherine claimed that this statement was untrue. Even Catherine’s duenna Doña Elvira Manuel asserted that her charge was still a virgin.

It’s possible that Arthur’s lewd statement came from the fact that, for whatever reason, he was unable to perform in the marriage bed. It’s important to note that Arthur was not the perpetually sick Prince of legend. As historian Julia Fox points out, “Arthur was no weakling. He had, said, the Marquis of Dorset, a century later, “a good and sanguine complexion; “lusty” was what Charles Brandon had heard said of the prince.” [12]

In December 1502, Arthur and Catherine were sent to live at Ludlow Castle in Shropshire. There was some controversy surrounding King Henry’s decision to have his fifteen year old son and his sixteen year old daughter in law co-habitat at such a young age. Queen Isabella even wrote to him to express her concern for her daughter’s well-being.

Henry addressed Isabella’s qualms by writing to her that he and his councilors “were unwilling to allow the Prince and Princess to be separated at any distance from each other. Thus much we wished to show unto you by this our letter that you may understand our excessive love which we bear towards the most illustrious Lady Catherine, our common daughter, even to the danger of our own son.”  [13].

The decision to send Arthur to Ludlow Castle proved to be one of the worst mistakes Henry VII’s life…

IV

On 2 April 1502 Arthur Tudor died from what was thought to have been consumption (aka tuberculosis). The most likely cause of Arthur’s death was the sweating sickness; a highly contagious and often fatal disease that had spread in the vicinities of Ludlow Castle around the time Arthur and Catherine became ill.

Henry VII was at Greenwich Palace when his confessor informed him of Arthur’s death. One of the King’s heralds wrote: “When his Grace understood these sorrowful and heavy tidings, he sent for the Queen, saying that he and his queen would take the painful sorrows together [14].

Closeted in his royal bedchamber, Henry and Elizabeth wept for the loss of their eldest son. Henry was so unnerved by the tragic news that Elizabeth had to comfort him. “God had left him a fair prince and two princess,” said Elizabeth, referring to their other children Henry, Margaret and Mary. “God is where he was and we are both young enough [to have more children]” [15].

Prince Arthur was laid to rest in Worchester Cathedral on 25 April 1502. It was custom for royalty not to attend funerals, and so Catherine remained at Ludlow Castle until she recovered from the same illness that killed her husband. She was then conveyed to London in a black velvet and cloth litter that had been provided for her by Queen Elizabeth.

For several months Catherine lived under intense scrutiny at Croydon Palace until it was established that she was not pregnant with Arthur’s child.

Their daughter now a widow and childless, Ferdinand and Isabella wanted Catherine returned to Spain as soon as possible. “They also demanded that Henry should put the princess in possession of her widow’s jointure—one-third of the revenues of Wales, Cornwall, and Chester—and repay the first instalment of her dowry – 100,000 gold crowns…” [16].

The last thing King Henry wanted was to grant Catherine her jointure and to give back half of her dowry, and so while he “received their [Ferdinand and Isabella’s] proposal courteously,” [17] he would not openly commit himself to a definite course of action.

This meant that as long as Catherine lived in England her future and her financial situation remained uncertain…

V

On 11 February 1503, Henry VII’s wife, Elizabeth of York, died from a postpartum infection. The child that she bore was not the boy her husband had desired but a girl, who died at only eight days old.

Deprived of her own mother’s affection, Catherine had formed a bond with the kind and affectionate Elizabeth who used to send her gifts and request her company. As Catherine mourned the Queen’s death, so too did King Henry who “privily departed to a solitary place…and would no man should resort upon him” [18].

Two years after the death of his wife, King Henry courted several of the most eligible noblewoman in Europe, including Margaret of Austria and Catherine of Aragon’s cousin Joanna of Naples. At one point, the forty six year old English King suggested that the seventeen year old Princess Catherine should become his next wife. This idea repulsed Ferdinand and Isabella so much that the latter proclaimed that the union was “a thing not to be endured” [19].

Ferdinand and Isabella were, however, still keen on forging an alliance with the Tudor King in order to gain an ally in their war with France. A match was soon agreed upon between Catherine and Henry VII’s eleven year old son Henry, Prince of Wales. They were formally betrothed on 25 June 1503 at the Bishop of Salisbury’s house in Fleet Street. Their marriage was to take place as soon as Prince Henry reached the age of maturity.

Since she was a child growing up in Spain, Catherine believed that it was her destiny to become Queen of England. And with her impending marriage to Prince Henry she was one step closer to achieving her life’s ambition.

But the road to matrimony was not smooth sailing for Catherine. Her chief obstacle was that she was betrothed to her deceased husband’s brother. And according to canon law, it was illegal for a man to marry his brother’s widow.

This law was based on Leviticus 20:21 which states “If a man shall take his brother’s wife, it is an unclean thing: he hath uncovered his brother’s nakedness; they shall be childless.”  

Catherine’s assertion that she was a virgin, if true, meant that in the eyes of the court her marriage to Arthur was null and void. Nonetheless a dispensation from the impediment of affinity was requested from the Pope.

At the request of the ailing Queen of Castile, the first draft of the dispensation was sent to Spain. Isabella was dismayed to find that “the bull clearly stated that her daughter’s previous marriage had been consummated. Catherine, it proclaimed loud and clear was no virgin.” The main issue with this statement was that “a payment of 100,000 scudos to Henry VII hung on the question of Catherine’s virginity, and on this wording the money was his.” Isabella protested the clause which prompted the Pope to amend the dispensation by replacing the word had in “had been consummated” with the word “forsan: ‘perhaps’” [20].

The final version of the papal dispensation enabling Catherine and Prince Henry to marry was ratified in August 1503. Much to King Henry’s annoyance, a copy of the dispensation wasn’t sent to him until a month later.

To cement his new alliance with the Spanish monarchs, Henry VII agreed to financially support Catherine. And for his part, Ferdinand agreed to pay the last installment of his daughter’s dowry. 

In reality, Ferdinand couldn’t afford to pay the rest of the dowry; thus he had no intention of sticking to his end of the deal. Nevertheless, he carried on the marriage negotiations as if he was going to remain true to his word.

VI

Catherine was plunged into deep mourning for the third time in three years when, on 12 November 1504, her mother (Queen Isabella) died. Isabella’s passing had profound consequences for the young Princess, not least of all because her elder sister Juana was now Queen of Castile. “This meant that “Catherine’s worth as a bride fell dramatically. She was no longer the Princess of the Iberian Peninsula, [which made] an alliance with Aragon of limited value” [21].

To make matters worse, a squabble for power ensued as Juana’s domineering husband Philip of Burgundy attempted to seize power away from his wife and from Ferdinand who still claimed a right to administer the kingdom” [22].

As a result of Catherine’s diminished social status, Henry VII became less enthusiastic about contracting his son to marry her. Henry’s misgivings about Catherine and her family strengthened, when “in an attempt to gain accession to the throne of Navarre” [23] Ferdinand married the niece of Louis XII of France.

Shortly after Ferdinand’s marriage to Germaine of Foix, King Henry reduced Catherine’s allowance. Henry began to use the remainder of her dowry to fund his own exploits. This meant that Catherine could barely afford to run her own household…

In November 1505, the impoverished Princess and her attendants were forced to move from Durham House in London to live with the English King in his palaces.

“By December 1505 Catherine’s financial situation was grave. Her father had failed to send her any money, despite repeated requests, and all King Henry had given her was a small pittance for food – she was often reduced to eating yesterday’s fish from the market. She was also in debt to some London merchants for household necessities, and the gowns she had brought from Spain four years before were so shabby that she felt, as she told her father, ‘nearly naked.’” [24].

Just four months after Catherine moved back to court, King Henry made his son renounce his betrothal to her in a private ceremony at Richmond Palace. The terms were “not acted upon”; however, it was done “so that the marriage could thenceforth be cancelled at short notice…” [25].

In 1509, Henry VII discreetly began negotiations for a marriage between his son and several European Princesses, including Catherine’s own niece Eleanor of Austria. But King Henry’s dream of a Tudor alliance with the house of Hapsburg fell apart in 1508.

Henry talked of re-opening marriage negotiations with Ferdinand if only the latter would send over the rest of Catherine’s dowry. But Ferdinand remained vague about when and in what currency the money would be sent to him…

VII

Trapped in a foreign land, surrounded by rapacious courtiers, and in the care of a pitiless father in law, Catherine wrote to her father to complain of her abject existence.

On 22 June 1505, Ferdinand wrote to the Spanish Ambassador, Dr. de Puebla, to advise Catherine “to revere and be very obedient to the King, as is her duty, and as being a means of making him love her more, and of doing more for her”  [26].

Catherine had taken her father’s advice; but since King Henry felt that it was the duty of her father to provide for her, the latter was forced to live on meager rations.

This ungallant behavior by King Henry was in stark contrast to his actions towards Catherine when she was Prince Arthur’s wife. Back then, he had been so anxious to please his homesick daughter in law that he tried to “console her by showing her his extensive library at Richmond,” he even allowed her to “choose jewelry from a selection that he produced for her perusal.” [27]

Catherine’s widowhood wasn’t entirely shrouded in misery. As historian E. Sadlack writes: “Catherine paints her situation as blackly as possible to move Ferdinand to action, and that the English in fact protested [that Catherine’s] complaints were exaggerated, [however] there can be no doubt that these were difficult years for her….”  [28].

During Catherine’s most trying times, she sought solace in her ladies in waiting; none more so than her good friend Maria de Salinas. The English King’s youngest daughter Mary Tudor – too young to be a confidante– was also one of Catherine’s closest companions.

Known for her unwavering piety, Catherine found refuge in her daily religious practices. But her rigorous bouts of fasting for Lent caused many to fear for her health. “In October 1505…Pope Julius II wrote to Prince Henry urging him to restrict the severity of Catherine’s new religious practices lest they damage her health –and (by implication, no doubt) her fertility.” [29]

The Pope and the Prince were right to be concerned over Catherine’s health. In November and December of 1505 Catherine was confined to her bedchamber after falling ill with “severe tertian fevers.” [30]

Catherine was convinced that the person responsible for most of her problems was Dr. de Puebla. Her feelings were that Dr. de Puebla’s interest lay primarily with England and its King, rather than with Spain, Ferdinand, and her wellbeing.

At the insistence of her domineering duenna, Elvira Manuel, Catherine wrote a letter to her father on 2 December 1505 to complain about Dr. de Puebla and about the pitiful circumstances she and her attendants were forced to endure. “…each day my troubles increase,” wrote Catherine, “and all this on account of the doctor Dr. de Puebla, to whom it has not sufficed that from the beginning he transacted a thousand falsities against the service of your highness, but now he has given me new trouble; and because I believe your highness will think I complain without reason, I desire to tell you all that has passed….”  [Dr. de Puebla] negotiated that the king should dismiss all my household, and take away my chamber-equipage, and send to place it in a house of his own, so that I should not in any way be mistress of it.” Catherine also did not fail to include the all-important matter of her dowry: “It appears to me that it would be better if your highness should take them [her jewels] for yourself, and should give to the king of England, my lord, his money.” [31]

Dr. de Puebla was not dismissed from his post, however Elvira Manuel was when the Ambassador became privy of a secret plot spearheaded by Elvira, her brother Juan and Catherine’s brother in law Philip I of Castile. Their plan was to set up a meeting between King Henry, Philip and his wife Juana in the hopes of cementing an alliance that would weaken Ferdinand politically.

“In December 1505, for promoting Philip’s interests at the expense of Ferdinand of Aragon Elvira [and her brother] were told to leave England. She departed on the pretext of visiting a doctor in Flanders about a disease that had already caused her to lose one of her eyes, but she knew that she would not be permitted to return. She had alienated not only King Henry but also Catherine of Aragon. Elvira spent the rest of her life amongst Spanish exiles at the court of Flanders. Catherine was said never to have spoken her name again.” [32]

VIII

After years of not receiving the additional payment of the dowry, King Henry informed Catherine that “he no longer regarded himself and his son bound by the agreement to marry her.” Ferdinand excused the lack of payment on “the trustees…and Philip for not allowing him access to the Castilian funds so that he could send the marriage portion to England.” [33]

In September 1506, Philip I of Castile died from typhoid fever, but rumors at court were that Ferdinand had poisoned him. With Philip out of the way, Ferdinand began to rule Castile in his Juana’s stead.

Once again, Catherine became a valuable asset and “like magic Henry VII became amiable again to his daughter in law. He deplored her illness now, and cordially granted her the change of residence from Eltham to Fulham that she had so long prayed for in vain” [34]. Philip’s passing also served in King Henry’s best interest because it meant that the newly widowed Juana was free to marry…

IX

Henry VII had been enamored with the blue eyed and auburn haired Juana of Castile since their unexpected encounter in January 1506. At the time, the ship transporting Philip and Juana from the Netherlands to Castile was met by turbulent storms that forced them to dock at Weymouth in Dorset. “Seizing his opportunity, Henry lured Philip inlaid and royally entertained him at Windsor Castle and Richmond Palace flattering him with lavish and costly entertainments and showering him with gifts and attention. One result was a trade agreement that was highly favorable to the English merchant guilds” [35].

When Juana was formally presented to the English court an observer recorded that King Henry was waiting to greet her, he then “kissed and embraced her”…and in spite of Phillip’s attempts to keep them apart, Juana made a favorable impression upon [him]” [36].

Shortly after her arrival, Juana was reunited with her sister Catherine for the first time in ten years; sadly, it would be the last time they would ever see each other.

Catherine wrote to Juana in October 1506, that their brief reunion gave her “great pleasure” and that she was saddened by Juana’s “sudden and hasty departure.”  Catherine added that “the great affection [Henry VII] has felt, and still feels, towards your Royal Highness from that time until now, is well known” [37].

There can be no doubt that Henry persuaded Catherine to write this letter to her sister. He had hopes of winning over Juana’s affections and her hand in marriage. Catherine hoped that if Juana agreed to marry King Henry that this would improve her own chances of marrying Prince Henry.

If Juana—who still mourned the death of her husband— were to marry again then the kingdom of Castile would fall predominantly under the control of her husband. Having secured the rule of Castile for himself, Ferdinand had no plans to relinquish control to anyone else.

Although Ferdinand would never let Juana marry Henry VII, it didn’t stop him from dangling the prospect of marriage over him as a means of control. In one of Ferdinand’s responses to Henry’s request to marry Juana, he informed him “that it was ‘not yet known whether Queen Juana be inclined to marry again’” [38].   Ferdinand’s vague response only emboldened Henry in his pursuit for Juana’s hand in marriage.

Eventually, Ferdinand had Dr. de Puebla inform him that Juana was still in mourning for her husband and that her excessive grief made her mentally unfit to marry anyone. Admitting defeat (but refusing to believe she was really insane) King Henry formally withdrew his proposal to marry Juana in June 1508.

In 1507 Ferdinand sent another Spanish Ambassador to England to negotiate Catherine’s marriage to Prince Henry. The man he chose was a politician and military commander named Gutierre Gomez de Fuensalida.

Fuensalida found credence in Catherine’s complaints about Dr. de Puebla. He reported to his master that [Dr. de Puebla] is a servant of the King of England, and although there cannot be two opposites in one man in this individual there are: his heart is English and his tongue is Castilian” [39]. Fuensalida also remarked about Catherine’s health, writing that the she was “so ill and disconsolate’ that he could barely find the words to describe her condition” [40].

Fuensalida worked tirelessly to pacify King Henry’s qualms about not receiving the 100,000 crowns that made up the rest of Catherine’s dowry. But nothing the Ambassador promised satisfied Henry.

Eventually, the King became so frustrated with Fuensalida and the talk over his son’s marriage to Catherine that he refused to meet with the Ambassador.

For several weeks, Fuensalida had to convene with Henry’s equally hostile and combative councilors. When King Henry finally permitted Fuensalida into his presence again their meeting ended disastrously. The King was once again infuriated with the Ambassador, this time for implying that he and his son were still legally bound to honor the marriage contract.

Although he was angry with Fuensalida, King Henry was willing to listen to Catherine of Aragon’s litany of complaints.

In no uncertain terms Catherine “complained bluntly to him [Henry VII] that in the forty days of Lent she had not had access to him [Henry, Prince of Wales.]” [41].

Since Prince Arthur’s death, the King had kept a tight rein on his last surviving son.  Fuensalida reported to his master that Prince Henry was “never permitted to go out of the palace, except for exercise through a private door leading to the park. At these times he is surrounded by those persons especially appointed by the king as his tutors and companions and no one else, on his life, dared approach him. He takes his meals alone and spends most of his day in his room, which has no other entrance than through the king’s bedchamber. He is in complete subjection to his father and grandmother and never opens his mouth in public except to answer a question from one of them.” [42]

Rather than address Catherine’s complaints, “Henry –accompanied by his mother— excused himself on the grounds of illness and raged at Ferdinand’s conduct, lambasting the “poor prince” who did not pay his debts and who had cruelly incarcerated [Juana].[43]

Fuensalida reported to Ferdinand that soon after the King meet with her, “Catherine’s living quarters [were] downgraded and that she was now living over royal stables” [44]. King Henry then announced that he didn’t think the marriage between the Prince and Catherine would ever happen because Ferdinand couldn’t afford to pay the dowry.

King Henry’s bad temper was exasperated by his increasingly bad health. “Shortly before Easter 1507 the king suffered a devastating attack of “quinsy’s” a peritonsillar abscess, and for nearly a week he had been unable to swallow “he was left so feeble he thought he might die.” Henry’s health was briefly restored to him but by “February 1508 he was ill again, suffering from consumption or phthisis, a progressive wasting disease, though his doctors told him it was gout again” [45].

To add to Henry’s list of grievances, Ferdinand’s refusal to support the betrothal of his grandson Charles of Ghent to his daughter Mary had caused a deeper riff to develop between the feuding monarchs.

When Henry summoned Fuensalida to discuss matters further, Fuensalida suggested to him that not only should he forgo the rest of Catherine’s dowry but that he should also call off Mary and Charles’s engagement. Naturally, Henry was upset and insulted at such an idea. After a few choice words directed at the Spanish Ambassador, Henry confronted Catherine in her bedchamber.

“My daughter,” began Henry to Catherine, “I for the great love that I have had for you have given you my two sons, both of them my heirs…and I have turned down other women who were as good as you…” he then stated that “he and his son were free,” from the marriage contract because Ferdinand had “promised [to pay the dowry] within the time that was stipulated” and failed to do so. The King also let Catherine know that he was displeased with her father for “refusing to sign the declaration…confirming the marriage of [Charles and Mary][46]

Henry’s harsh words had the desired effect because on December 1507, he convinced Ferdinand to publically consent to Charles and Mary’s betrothal.

Also in 1507 (before Fuensalida fulfilled his position at the English), “Ferdinand sent [Catherine] the formal credentials to act as his ambassador in England” [47]. Historian Elizabeth Norton writes in her book “The Illustrated Wives of Henry VIII” that Catherine’s position as Ambassador to England (the first woman to ever do so) improved her status at the English court. And although Catherine proved to be efficient in her duties, the fact remained that throughout the years of 1506-1508 she needed a more powerful person to champion her cause…

The person with whom the Princess would become the most reliant on was a Castilian friar by the name of Fray Diego Fernandez.

X

Fray Diego was officially appointed as Catherine’s confessor in April 1507. Before long, the charming yet cunning confessor was advising and controlling the young and impressionable Princess on practically every aspect of her life.

In a letter dated 4 March 1509, Fuensalida informed Ferdinand of a bizarre incident that occurred between Catherine and Fray Diego:

“King Henry had asked the Princess Katherine and Princess Mary to go to Richmond, where he intended to meet them. When the Princess Katherine was ready to start, the friar came into her room, and said to her, “you shall not go today.” The Princess, it is true, had vomited that night but was perfectly well, and the distance she had to travel was at the utmost less than one league. She therefore protested that she was not ill, and did not like to be left behind alone. The friar, however, overruled her objections in a high handed manner by his categorical command, “I tell you that upon pain of mortal sin you shall not go today.” The Princess, not daring to displease him, had no choice left, and underwent the humiliation of telling the Princess Mary…that she was unable to go ” [48].

 It’s important to remember that in this stage of her life, Catherine was naïve, vulnerable and in desperate need of ‘good counsel’. This made her an easy prey for “haughty and licentious” young men like Fray Diego, who were looking to exploit all that court life had to offer.

Catherine vehemently denied the court rumors that she and Fray Diego were lovers. However, she refused to hide her affection for him, she even went so far as to state that he was the: “best confessor that ever woman in my position had, with respect to his life as well as to his holy doctrine and proficiency letters” [49].

In 1515, Fray Diego was found guilty of ‘fornicating’ with several women at court and –despite his pleas—was sent back to Spain. Catherine wrote to her father “begging him to show the friar favor as he “has served her very faithfully all the time he was in England, and much better than certain persons pretend.” [50].

XI

In 1509, Fuensalida was recalled from his post as Spanish Ambassador after failing to convince King Henry to agree to Ferdinand’s demands.

And after spending seven years in England as a bride, widow and a virtual prisoner Catherine had had enough. Her spirits completely shattered, Catherine resigned herself to the notion that she would never marry Prince Henry. She wrote to her father in March 1509, that she wanted to go back home to Spain so that “she could spend the rest of her life serving God.” [51].

          XII

On 21 April 1509, Henry VII died at the age of fifty two from tuberculosis. He was laid to rest the following month alongside his first and only wife Elizabeth of York in the Henry VII Chapel at Westminster Abbey. After ruling England for twenty three years the first Tudor King’s reign was at an end, and the crown passed on to his seventeen year old son Henry.

There is a popular legend that the ailing King made a death bed request for his son to marry Catherine of Aragon. In all likelihood this tale is merely Tudor propaganda; “conceivably, if Henry VII had lived for several more years he and Maximilian (the Holy Roman Emperor) would have arranged the Henry VIII/Eleanor match instead for around 1510-1511.” [52].

One of the reasons why Henry married Catherine was because she was young and beautiful and there was no reason to doubt she wouldn’t prove to be an amiable wife who would provide him with male children. Catherine’s long history with and close proximity to the new King made her a convenient choice for him to choose as his bride. Henry was also anxious to appease Catherine’s powerful father who urged him to marry her.

As for the rest of Catherine’s dowry, Ferdinand never paid it despite promising to Henry VII shortly before the latter’s death that the payment was ready to be sent…

On 11 June 1509 Henry and Catherine were married at Greenwich Palace. Two weeks later they were crowned King and Queen of England in a joint ceremony at Westminster Abbey.

In May 1533 Henry VIII had his marriage to Catherine annulled on the grounds that she was never really his wife because she had been married to his brother.

Catherine spent her final years at Kimbolton Castle attended by a handful of her most trusted ladies and servants. Mary’s plea to see her dying mother was denied by her father, who feared that a meeting between Mary and Catherine would result in the latter’s nephew Charles V the Holy Roman Emperor, declaring war on England.

Meanwhile, Henry was cavorting with one of Catherine’s former ladies: the young and seductive Anne Boleyn. He had destroyed his marriage and broken with the Roman Catholic Church in order to make Anne his Queen.

On 7 January 1536 Catherine of Aragon died at the age of fifty. She was buried on 29th January at Peterborough Cathedral, not as the Queen of England but as the Dowager Princess of Wales.

While the rest of the country mourned the loss of their beloved Spanish Queen, Henry and Anne reveled in it. According to the Spanish Ambassador Eustace Chapyus, shortly after the news broke that Catherine was dead, the King and Queen celebrated by throwing a lavish soiree at court.

Gossip began to spread that Anne Boleyn poisoned Catherine in order to rid herself of her greatest rival. Though no charge was ever brought against Anne, the basis for this heinous accusation rests largely in the results of Catherine’s autopsy. Eustace Chapyus wrote to Charles V that the chandler reported that “he found inside the heart something black and round, which adhered strongly to the concavities” [53]. Today, medical historians believe that the blackness and growth on Catherine’s heart was most likely caused by a cancerous tumor.

Catherine death and Anne’s execution weighed little on Henry’s conscience. Instead, his energy was expended elsewhere, mainly in his pursuit to produce a son to succeed him to the throne. On October 12 1536 Henry VIII’s wish was granted when his third wife Jane Seymour gave birth to Prince Edward.

Jane died twelve days later from puerperal fever, and over the next three years Henry married Anne of Cleves, Katherine Howard, and Katherine Parr. But none of his wives lasted as long or loved him more than Catherine of Aragon did.

On 28 January 1547 Henry VIII died on the anniversary of his father’s birth. He was interred beside his third wife Jane at St. George’s Chapel in Windsor Castle.

XIII

Catherine of Aragon experienced many trials and tribulations in order to become Queen of England, and unfortunately her story ended in tragedy. But was her bad luck predestined?

There is an interesting passage in historian Julia P. Geraldo’s book: “In Triumph’s Wake: Royal Mothers, Tragic Daughters, and the Price They Paid.” Geraldo writes that before Catherine and her attendants reached the city of Coruna, “[they] visited Santiago de Compostela: one of the most important pilgrimage sites in Christendom. Inside the city’s cathedral, Catherine witnessed the famous butafumerio being swung. The rope holding the massive censer filled with incense broke. It was considered an ill omen for the Princess, for the story went that whenever the rope of the butafumerios snapped while the censer was swung, bad luck would follow.” [54].

Shortly after Catherine’s excursion to the Cathedral, she set sail for England to marry Arthur Tudor…

Note: Mary Tudor (daughter of Henry VII) never married Charles of Ghent aka Charles V the Holy Roman Emperor; in 1514 she married King Louis XII of France, and later Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk in 1515. Catherine’s of Aragon sister – known in history as “la Loca” – Juana, was imprisoned in the castle of Tordesillas (with her youngest daughter) by Ferdinand as he continued to rule Castile in her name. Juana never remarried.

References

  1. 37. 49. 53. “Calendar of Letters, Dispatches and State Papers Relating to the Negotiations Between England and Spain Preserved in the Archives at Simancas and Elsewhere” Volume 1. Longban,1862

2. “The Book of the Princes of Wales, Heirs to the Crown of England” Dr. Doran  (John)/ Richard Bentley, 1860

3. “A History of Plymouth” Llewellynn Frederick and William Jewitt

4. “Monarchs, Murders & Mistresses: A Calendar of Royal Days” David Hilliam

5. 9. 14. 39. 42. “Young Henry: The Rise of Henry VIII” Robert Hutchinson

6. “Heirs to the Throne: The Story of the Prince of Wales” Annette Joelson

  1. “Royal Weddings” Emily Brand
  2. “The Virgin Queen: A Personal History of Elizabeth I” Christopher Hibbert

10. 26. 50. “Catherine of Aragon: An Intimate Life of Henry VIII’s True Wife” Amy Licence

11. “Elizabeth of York” A. Okerlund

12. 27. “Sister Queens: The Noble, Tragic Lives of Katherine of Aragon and Juana, Queen of Castile” Julia Fox

13. https://archive.org/stream/cu31924027958879/cu31924027958879_djvu.txt

15. “Blood Sisters: The Women Behind the Wars of the Roses” Sarah Gristwood

16. 17. “House of Tudor” Alison Plowden

18. “Henry VII” Stanley Bertram Chrimes

19. 26. 48. 51. 54. “In Triumph’s Wake: Royal Mothers, Tragic Daughters, and the Price They Paid for Glory” Julia P Geraldi

20. “Winter King: Henry VII and the Dawn of Tudor England” Thomas Penn

21. “Mary Tudor: England’s First Queen” Anna Whitelock

22. “A New History of England from the Earliest Accounts of Britain to the Ratification of the Peace of Versailles, 1763” Thomas Mortimer

23. “Henry VII: The Maligned Tudor King” Terry Breverton

24. 30. “The Six Wives of Henry VIII” Alison Weir

25. 52. “The Tudors” Timothy Venning

28. “The French Queen’s Letters: Mary Tudor Brandon and the Politics of Marriage in Sixteenth-Century Europe” E. Sadlack

29. 39. 40. 41. 43. 46. “Catherine of Aragon” Patrick Williams

31. Hanson, Marilee. “Letter of Katharine of Aragon to her father, King Ferdinand II of Aragon  2 December 1505″ <a href=”http://englishhistory.net/tudor/letter-of-katharine-of-aragon-to-her-father-king-ferdinand-ii-of-aragon/”>http://englishhistory.net/tudor/letter-of-katharine-of-aragon-to-her-father-king-ferdinand-ii-of-aragon/</a&gt;, February 24, 2015

32. http://www.kateemersonhistoricals.com/TudorWomenM.htm

34. “The Wives of Henry the Eighth and the Parts They Played in History” Martin Andrew and Sharp Hume

  1. “The Tudors: A Very Short Introduction” John Guy

36. “Lives of the Queens of England from the Norman Conquest” Agnes Strickland and Elizabeth Strickland

38. “The Reign of Henry VII from Contemporary Sources” Albert Fredrick Pollard

44. “Margaret Pole Countess of Salisbury 1473-1541: Loyalty, Lineage and Leadership” Hazel Pierce

45. “The Royal Doctors, 1485-1714: Medical Personnel at the Tudor and Stuart Courts” Elizabeth Lane Furdel

47. “The Illustrated Six Wives of Henry VIII” Elizabeth Norton

48. “Calendar of State Papers, Spain: Supplement To Volumes 1 and 2, Queen Katherine; Intended Marriage of King Henry VII To Queen Juana” ed. G A Bergenroth (London, 1868)

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Karlie is a college student from the U.S. who has many interests, including reading, writing, drawing and painting. Her passion, however, is history. She loves to read about every period in history, but is most interested in the Tudor period. She is intrigued not only by the Tudor dynasty, but also by the world in which they lived; the people, the religion, the politics, the conflicts, the events, the castles, the beautiful clothes and just their overall way of life.

You can follow Karlie on twitter @HistoryGal_

 

 

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Book Review – Whitehall Palace in a Nutshell by Philip Roberts

By Nathen Amin

Many people today use the term Whitehall to refer to the government of the present day, but not many of those will be aware that the term emanates from the Palace of Whitehall which once stood on the site of modern governmental buildings in Westminster. One man who is more than aware of this is historian and researcher Phil Roberts, who has put together this handy history of the main London residence of the kings and queens of England from 1530 to 1698.

Roberts is an enthusiastic student of his subject, captivated by its history and eager to share his knowledge with the wider public. His book ‘Whitehall Palace in a Nutshell’ is the first step to achieving this aim. Although the book is concise, part of publisher Made Global’s intriguing ‘in a Nutshell’ series, Roberts commendably succeeds in covering all aspects of the Palace’s history, from its requisition by Henry VIII to the reign of James I, also taking into account its place in the English Civil War, the execution of Charles I, and the Cromwellian era. His attention to detail is noted, including trivia such as Henry VIII paying £1,130 in 1531 to buy up the buildings around the palace or that he owned over 2028 pieces of plate and 2000 pieces of tapestry by 1547. The miscellany of events towards the end of the book is particularly a mine of information.

The palace started life as York Place, the London residence of the Archbishops of York, but after Cardinal Wolsey’s fall, was acquired by Henry VIII in 1530. Within two years, it was known as White Hall and became the favoured residence of the king and Anne Boleyn when in the capital. It was a massive complex, growing to contain 2000 rooms and covering 23 acres, eclipsing Versailles, the Vatican and Hampton Court. His account of the fire that finally brought the Palace tumbling down is particularly gripping, highlighting how we lost one of the most splendid Tudor palaces in the country. ‘Whitehall Burnt! Nothing but walls and ruins left’ exclaimed the diarist John Evelyn, reporting the tragedy, as shown in Roberts’ book, robbed us of a wonderful building.

51zZCa+O7dLThe maps are a helpful guide for the modern visitor to London to place themselves on the spot where kings once rested their heads, although unfortunately there isn’t much remaining.  In fact, the wine cellar still survives below street level and whilst is not open to the public, Roberts used personal connections to gain access, a benefit which is noticeable in his work, particularly in photographs of the interior.

All things considered, Whitehall Palace is a short read that is detailed enough to give new information and small enough to be used as a guide book when traipsing through the streets of London. Whitehall Palace in a Nutshell is a valuable addition for any student of both Tudor and Stuart periods, whether academic or amateur. An interesting read that is enough to compel me to pay more attention to my surroundings next time I am down by the Thames in Westminster. I suspect that was the author’s aim.

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Philip Roberts, author of Whitehall Palace in a Nutshell, is employed as an ambulance crew member. He is also a Tudor era enthusiast, having been a member of the Mary Rose Trust Information Group Team for well over twenty years, educating people on King Henry VIII’s warship, and on everyday Tudor life. He has also been a reenactor as a Tudor at Kentwell Hall, Suffolk, the world famous Elizabethan mansion, and still re-enacts at the Mary Rose Museum at Portsmouth Historic Dockyard.

Book Review – Watch the Lady by Elizabeth Fremantle

Watch the Lady is the latest release by acclaimed fiction author Elizabeth Fremantle and focuses upon the intriguing yet captivating figure of Penelope Devereux, a legendary beauty of the Tudor court who possesses a smile that could ‘light up the shadows of hell’. Watch the Lady is the third book in Fremantle’s Tudor series and is the story of political intrigue and romance in the court of Elizabeth I. The story almost instantaneously leaps back and forth between plotting and love, both seemingly entwined with one another as various plans and strategies between the key characters gradually unveil themselves with absorbing results.

The real life Penelope Devereux was an Elizabethan noblewoman who was related by blood and marriage to some of the heavy-hitters of the late sixteenth century. Her father was Walter Devereux, 1st Earl of Essex and her mother was Lettice Knollys, the woman who later married Robert Dudley. She was born in 1563 and married firstly Robert Rich, 3rd Baron Rich and controversially afterwards to Charles Blount, 1st Earl of Devonshire. Through her Boleyn ancestors, she was a distant cousin of Queen Elizabeth. She was a golden-haired beauty, acknowledged to be a talented dancer and singer whilst also possessing the ability to converse in French, Italian and Spanish.

With this historical basis Fremantle’s Penelope is solely dedicated to securing her family’s future, even at the risk of committing treason against her godmother, the Queen. Penelope holds the queen responsible for the death of her father, the exile of her mother and her own failure to marry her true love. Penelope’s mother was Lettice Knollys, despised by the queen for marrying Robert Dudley, Lord Leicester. Although the queen gradually looked upon young Penelope as a surrogate daughter of sorts, the affection is not reciprocated.

After Leicester dies, the aged queen becomes infatuated with Penelope’s handsome if hasty brother, Robert, Earl of Essex. Indeed, Robert Cecil, a key adversary of the Devereuxs, refers to Penelope as ‘perfection had she not that brother, Essex’. Essex’s tumultuous career in an age of foreign threats and religious turmoil is covered in enthralling detail, influential as it is on Penelope’s own story and scheming.

It soon becomes clear in the first few pages that Penelope not just a pretty face, itself a formidable weapon in the sixteenth century, but a skilled political manipulator adept at placing herself in the right place at the right time. Her smile, it is said, ‘hides a perspicacity, a dangerous quality in a woman’. She is the archetypal wounded woman, deeply bitter at perceived injustices committed towards her family by some at court, particularly the Queen. She grows into a proud and astute noblewoman, outwardly a respectable jewel of Elizabeth’s court but silently plotting to influence any situation to the benefit of the Devereux family.

Yet she is a sympathetic character, eternally heartbroken and at times a cruel victim of late sixteenth century gender inequality. Her desire to ‘win’ at all costs is an admirable trait, but doesn’t make her an unpleasant character. This is to Fremantle’s credit that she has produced a complex multidimensional character. Her Penelope plays the game as capable as any noble duke or earl, her life at risk with every covert action or secret letter. Her every step is alluded to in the title of the book, monitored with elaborate detail by Cecil.

The book is an impressive weight and is a hefty 496 pages, plenty of stimulating content to keep the reader occupied and engaged. Although Watch the Lady is far from the first book which focuses on the themes of political intrigue, romance and treason in the Tudor period it is nonetheless a welcome addition to the genre and worth delving into.

The historical research behind the fiction is detailed and to be commended, with stale facts transcribed onto the page in such a way that they become dramatic markers in an ever-evolving and fast-paced story. It’s a powerfully gripping narrative that at times jumps of the page. It’s fair to suggest that Fremantle’s work is on par with any offering from writers such as Alison Weir, Philippa Gregory or Hilary Mantel and may in some cases supersede those bestselling literary giants.

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Elizabeth Fremantle is the author of Queen’s Gambit, Sisters of Treason and Watch the Lady. She holds a first in English and an MA in Creative Writing from Birkbeck. As a Fashion Editor she has contributed to various publications including Vogue, Elle, and Vanity Fair. Watch the Lady is released on 11 February 2016

Tudor Myths

By Terry Breverton

An exclusive extract from the new book ‘Everything you Wanted to Know About The Tudors But Were Afraid to Ask’ by Terry Breverton.

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Tudor Myths

HENRY VIII THREW BONES OVER HIS SHOULDER. Tudor etiquette at court and in the great houses was to place one’s leftovers in a common ‘voiding bowl.’ Dogs, to which the bones were allegedly thrown, were not allowed in court.

LADY JANE GREY WAS THE ‘NINE DAYS QUEEN’. She was the de facto ‘thirteen days queen’. Edward VI died 6 July but his death was not proclaimed until 10 July, when she was announced queen. The Privy Council changed sides and announced Mary I as queen upon 19 July 1553, but Jane had been queen since 6 July, or there was a period where England had no monarch.

GREENWICH PALACE WAS IN LONDON. The palace was in Kent until 1889 when the county of London was created.

THOMAS MORE WAS A SAINT. Not to Protestants – he had forty imprisoned and another six burnt alive. In 1529 More became Lord Chancellor on the fall of Wolsey, and ruthlessly persecuted Protestants while strongly opposing the proposed relaxation of the heresy laws. In 1530 a Protestant named Thomas Hitton was burned at Maidstone. With characteristic Christian tolerance, More called him ‘the Devil’s stinking martyr’. According to Samuel Johnson, More ‘was the person of the greatest virtue these islands ever produced.’

ELIZABETH WAS THE LAST OF THE TUDOR DYNASTY. It is always reprted that there was no Tudor successor to Elizabeth I. However, Lady Catherine Grey (The Lady Herbert of Cardiff, 1540–1568) married Edward Seymour, 1st Earl of Hertford, for which she was confined by Elizabeth I to the Tower until her death. Seymour was fined the enormous sum of £15,000 for seducing a virgin of the royal blood, and Elizabeth had their sons officially declared illegitimate, although she had no authority to do so. Catherine Grey died without the legitimacy of her two sons, born in the Tower, ever being proven, but this was later established after the death of Elizabeth I. Catherine Grey being dead, her sons should have succeeded upon Elizabeth’s death. Edward Seymour was the elder of her sons born in the Tower of London, where his mother had been imprisoned for secretly marrying his father, against the wishes of the queen. His mother was already pregnant when she entered the Tower, and was given poor living conditions, apparently in the hope that she would either miscarry or die. For many years, her children Edward and Thomas were regarded as illegitimate because no proof could be produced of her legal marriage. Regardless of legal problems, by 1603 Edward Seymour, Viscount Beauchamp was the senior qualified heir of Henry VII’s will, stipulating that the elder line of Stuart, through Margaret Tudor, should be passed in favour of the younger line, through Mary Tudor, his favourite, younger, sister. Edward Seymour’s only possible rival under the will was Anne Stanley, Countess of Castlehaven (1580-1647), who would have been heir if Edward and his brother Thomas were considered illegitimate.

Lady Mary Grey (1545–1578) was like her sisters Lady Jane and then Catherine, next in line to the succession under Henry VIII’s will, as Elizabeth I was childless, but Mary was persecuted by the queen. Upon Mary Grey’s’s death, Margaret Stanley, Countess of Derby, should have been the heiress to Elizabeth. Her son Ferdinando was probably poisoned in 1594, aged 35, and would have been heir to Elizabeth, giving us a King Ferdinando I.

HENRY VIII MARRIED ANNE BOLEYN. There was a secret marriage in Dover Castle in November 1532, and another upon 25 January 1533 in secret at York Place, now Whitehall Palace. Both were bigamous, as his marriage to Catherine of Aragon was not annulled until May 1533. Thus Henry was never officially married to Anne. This is not pedantry. Eric Ives believes that there a ‘commitment’ ceremony in November, quite possibly a binding pre-contract, a watertight legal declaration of intent to marry each other. After such a ceremony had taken place, sixteenth century canon law stated that it was permissible for the couple to commence sexual intercourse with one another. Engagements were thus treated with suspicion by future brides. It was on grounds of such pre-contracts that Henry VIII’s subsequent marriages to Anne of Cleves and Catherine Howard were declared invalid. With the pre-contract formally ratified in November, Henry and Anne began sleeping together, and conceived Elizabeth before wedlock.

ANNE BOLEYN COMMITTED ADULTERY. Three days before her execution on charges of adultery, Anne’s marriage to Henry was annulled and declared invalid. Thus she could not have committed adultery, or even been executed for the crime if she had never in law been married to the King.

‘BLOODY MARY’ WAS A DESERVED REPUTATION. This is Elizabethan propaganda. It should have been ascribed to the far, far more bloody reign of ‘Bloody Henry.’  The exact figure may never be known, but according to Raphael Holinshed, the English Chronicler who died in 1580, the number of executions in his 38-year reign amounted to 72,000. This is probably an exaggeration, but many thousands of the poor were executed during the reign of Henry VIII, most for what are now regarded as minor crimes such as stealing.

HENRY VIII HAD SIX WIVES. As his marriages to Catherine of Aragon, Anne of Cleves and Anne Boleyn were annulled, i.e. illegal (Anne Boleyn’s marriage being annulled just before her execution), Henry VIII technically only had three wives. The annulment of the marriage to Catherine of Aragon was on the grounds that she had already been married to his brother, although this annulment was never recognized by the Catholic Church, not his succeeding marriages, so according to the Catholic Church, Henry had one wife. Anne Boleyn was subject to an annulment on the grounds that she had allegedly seduced him with witchcraft and was incestuous and unfaithful. The marriage to Anne of Cleves was annulled as the marriage was unconsummated (and therefore was not legal) and because she had previously been engaged to someone else. The marriage to Catherine Howard was never annulled.  She had committed adultery with Thomas Culpeper, so on 22 November 1541, it was proclaimed at Hampton Court that she had ‘forfeited the honour and title of Queen’, and was from then on to be known only as the Lady Catherine Howard. Under this title she was executed for high treason three months later.

HENRY WAS LOVED AS ‘BLUFF KING HAL’. This is a far later description of the monarch.

ELIZABETH WAS UNIVERSALLY LOVED BY HER SUBJECTS. There were the Northern Rebellion (1569); the Ridolfi Plot and assassination attempts (1571); Anthony Tyrrell’s Plot (1581); the Throgmorton Plot (1583); the Somerville Plot (1583); Dr. Parry’s Plot (1548) the Babington Plot (1586); Dr. Rodrigo Lopez’ poisoning attempt (1594) and the Essex Plot (1601) among the attempts to rid her that we know of.

HENRY VII MURDERED THE PRINCES IN THE TOWER. Why announce his marriage to their sister, when in exile in Rennes, and as a claimant to the throne after their disappearance. Henry was not in the country and had no power in the realm. The conclusive proof of Richard’s murder of the princes can be seen in the Yorkist desertion of his cause when he came to the throne and in this author’s biography of Richard.

ONLY KNIGHTS WERE ALLOWED TO WEAR SWORDS. However, just as with those wearing of armour, not everyone who carried a sword was a knight. The custom, or even the right, to wear a sword varied according to time, place, and changing regulations.

ARMOURED KNIGHTS HAD TO BE HOISTED INTO THEIR SADDLES BY CRANES. Armour worn for jousts, short periods of exertion, was heavier and designed for maximum defence. However, battle armour had to be lighter and more flexible to be able to fight. Most men-at-arms would have been able to put one foot in a stirrup and mount their horse without assistance. A stool or perhaps the help of a squire would have made the process even speedier for the richer knights. Cranes are a 20th-century myth.

HENRY VII WAS A QUARTER WELSH, A QUARTER FRENCH AND HALF-ENGLISH. He was certainly a quarter British, i.e. Welsh, as the genealogies demonstrate through his paternal grandfather Owen Tudor. He was also a quarter French through Owen’s wife Catherine of Valois. Thus on the side of his father, he was a quarter British and a quarter French. His mother Margaret Beaufort was the offspring of the Beauforts and Beauchamps, French families. Many were born in France, e.g. the first Earl of Somerset at the Chateau de Beaufort in Angers in Anjou. Even Somerset’s father John of Gaunt was born in Ghent, and the Angevin and Plantagenet royal families had little English blood. In his bloodline, Henry VII was predominantly French.

PEASANTS FEARED THE BLACK DEATH. This term first appeared in 1755, according to the OED. The plague was known as the ‘Pestilence’ or the ‘Great Mortality’.

HENRY VIII, EDWARD VI AND MARY I WERE BRITISH KINGS. The English were never called British or Britons until Elizabeth’s reign, at the suggestion of Dr. John Dee, basing claims for an empire overseas upon the legends of British kings over foreign realms. The case of the Celts taking Rome under Brennius (the Welsh for king is brenhin, and brennius is its Latin equivalent) seems to have been conflated with Arthur’s expeditions across Europe. Equally the legend of Prince Madog ap Owain Gwynedd discovering America in 1170 was used to justify Northern American expansion.

CHAIN MAIL WAS ARMOUR. Defensive garments composed of interlinking rings should correctly be referred to as mail, from maille armor. The phrase ‘chain mail’ is a Victorian misunderstanding.

TUDORS WERE TINY. Henry VII was 5 feet 9 inches, but his son Henry VIII was 6 feet 2 inches, probably following his mother’s father Edward IV, who was 6 feet 4 inches. Catherine Parr was thought to be around 5 feet 10 inches. The hundred or so skeletons of crewmen recovered from the Mary Rose indicate an average height of 5 feet 7 inches to 5 feet 8 inches tall.

HENRY VIII WAS FAT. However, he only began to put on weight after being unable to play sports or hunt, from his time with Anne Boleyn. He was then 45 years old. He lived to be 55, and it was only in his last five years that he grew into obesity. Henry, however, was merely playing at obesity compared to Queen Victoria. She went from 20 inches aged eighteen (size zero) to something around 56 inches (size 38) with her ‘spilt drawers’ recently auctioned. Having nine children could not have helped. She was just under 60 inches tall, so would have been ball-shaped.

NINE OUT OF TEN PEOPLE DIED BEFORE THE AGE OF FORTY. Statistics can be meaningless, as politicians know full well. Historians believe that average life expectancy at birth was about 35 years in the 16th Century, in other words 50% of people born reached that age. However, high infant and child mortality skews these figures. If one could survive until 21, one had a good chance of living to a good age. A professor of mathematical statistics, H.O. Lancaster, researched mainly aristocratic males in Expectations of Life (1990). In 1500-1550, for 52 males who reached the age of 21, their extra years of life were 50.27, so they would die aged 71. Again, for a 100 males from 1550-1600, they could expect to live until they were 68.25 years.

THE NAME OF THE DYNASTY WAS ‘THE TUDORS’. However, it should have been the Merediths, Maredudds, Meredudds or even Bowens. Henry VII’s grandfather was known as Owain ap Meredudd, Owen Meredith and the like from his birth around 1400, through his time in France around 1421 and when granted letters of English denizenship as ‘Oweyn fitz Meredyth’ in 1432. He was known as Owen Meredith and like names during his imprisonment in Newgate in 1438. As ‘Owen ap Maredudd’ he was in the court party that went to France in 1444 to bring back the young Margaret of Anjou, the King’s new queen. The Owen or ‘Owyn’ Meredith in the royal household between at least 1444 and 1453 is almost definitely Owen Tudor. Then again, it easily could have been the Owen or Bowen (ab Owen) dynasty. Neither of Owen’s sons Edmund or Jasper is noted in the English records as the ‘son of Owen’. Like him, they are called ‘ap Meredith ap Tydier’, in 1437, whereas they should have been called ‘ab Owen ap Meredith.’

HENRY VIII WAS BEARDED. He was clean-shaven during the early years of his reign and first grew a beard only in 1519 as part of a friendly pact with François I of France. He soon shaved it off to please his wife, Catherine of Aragon, but from c.1525 sported a beard, so for only 21 years of his 55 did he have a beard.

THERE WAS A 100 YEARS WAR. Upon 19 October 1453 Bordeaux surrendered, seeing the end of 116-year war which began in 1337. Its end led indirectly to the great barons concentrating upon England and Wales, leading to the Wars of the Roses and the Tudor dynasty.

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Historian Terry Breverton is a former businessman, consultant and academic and is now a full-time writer, having received the Welsh Books Council’s Book of the Month Award five times. He is an expert in Welsh culture and history and has presented documentaries on the Discovery Channel, the History Channel etc. Terry has worked in over 20 countries and has written over 40 well-received books including Richard III: The King in the Carpark; Breverton’s First World War Curiosities; Owain Glyndŵr: The Story of the Last Prince of Wales; Wales: The Biography; Wales: A Historical Companion; Immortal Words; Immortal Last Words; Breverton’s Nautical Curiosities: A Book of the Sea; Breverton’s Phantasmagoria; Breverton’s Encyclopaedia of Inventions; Black Bart Roberts; The Journal of Penrose, Seaman and Breverton’s Complete Herbal.

Breverton’s latest releases are ‘Jasper Tudor: Dynasty Maker’ and ‘Everything You Have Ever Wanted to Know About The Tudors But Were Afraid To Ask’, both published by Amberley.